Arshad Mahmood Awan
Relations between Pakistan and Bangladesh, once strained under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina Wajed, are now gradually improving under the interim administration in Dhaka. After years of cold ties, Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar’s recent visit to Bangladesh marked a significant breakthrough, as it was the first trip by a Pakistani foreign minister in over a decade. The warmth with which he was received reflects a renewed willingness on both sides to look forward rather than remain locked in the bitterness of the past. Six agreements were signed across diverse sectors, symbolizing a desire to deepen cooperation. Discussions with Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus and other senior officials further emphasized the shared commitment to building a more stable bilateral relationship.
A major feature of these talks was the shared interest in reviving the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). Although both countries expressed optimism, their approaches diverged on one sensitive matter — the events of 1971. For decades, Dhaka has insisted on a formal apology and reparations, whereas Islamabad maintains that the recognition of Bangladesh in 1974, alongside former President Pervez Musharraf’s expression of regret in 2002, closed this chapter. These differences remain, but they need not prevent constructive engagement.
The political climate in Bangladesh itself has changed since the fall of the Awami League government. Sheikh Hasina’s tenure was marked by hostility towards Pakistan, coupled with increasingly close relations with India. Her government not only weaponized the 1971 war to justify its policies but also constructed an entire political narrative around the cult of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. However, after her ouster, public reactions to this cult have been dramatic. Attacks on statues and the removal of Mujib’s image from currency reveal a backlash against the excesses of a system that stifled opposition and enforced loyalty through coercion. These changes, while controversial within Bangladesh, create an opportunity for Dhaka to adopt a more balanced regional policy — one that is not permanently conditioned by the past.
Pakistan, for its part, argues that while the tragedy of 1971 must never be forgotten, reconciliation cannot be indefinitely postponed. Recognition of Bangladesh in 1974 was a decisive step, and Musharraf’s words of regret reflected Pakistan’s acknowledgement of the excesses that occurred. However, continuing to weaponize 1971 as a diplomatic tool undermines the potential for future cooperation. The painful separation is a historical fact, but the real question is whether both sides can transcend it in the interest of regional stability and prosperity.
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The proposal to revive SAARC is ambitious but faces formidable obstacles, most notably India’s unwillingness to engage constructively. Without resolving the tensions between India and its neighbors, the revival of SAARC remains unlikely. Yet this does not mean regional collaboration is impossible. An alternative framework already exists in the trilateral cooperation between China, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. This emerging platform can be expanded into a broader mechanism, drawing in other willing regional states for economic and developmental initiatives. The Chinese role in infrastructure and trade connectivity projects could serve as a bridge to bring Pakistan and Bangladesh closer, anchoring them in a shared vision of progress.
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Beyond geopolitics, the human and cultural ties between Pakistan and Bangladesh should not be overlooked. Despite separation, the two countries continue to share cultural affinities, religious bonds, and historical legacies. Trade remains an underutilized avenue of cooperation. Expanding commercial relations, easing visa regimes, and facilitating educational and cultural exchanges could build mutual trust. Economic interdependence, more than political declarations, will ensure that relations move beyond fragility. If trade routes and investment flows strengthen, political differences will be easier to manage.
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The interim administration in Dhaka has shown a willingness to reset ties, but the real test will come with the next elected government. Whether future leadership in Bangladesh views Pakistan as a partner or continues to frame relations through the lens of 1971 will determine the long-term trajectory of diplomacy. For Pakistan, this is an opportunity to pursue proactive engagement — not only through state-to-state diplomacy but also through public diplomacy, cultural exchanges, and academic collaborations. Civil society and business communities in both countries can play a vital role in softening attitudes and creating constituencies for stronger ties.
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In conclusion, the visit of Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar has opened a window for reconciliation between Pakistan and Bangladesh. The challenges of history remain, but they need not dictate the future. Instead, both nations can build a cooperative partnership grounded in mutual respect, trade, and cultural exchange. Reviving SAARC may be difficult, but alternative regional mechanisms provide space for collaboration. Ultimately, Pakistan and Bangladesh must recognize that their destinies are intertwined in South Asia’s wider political and economic landscape. By moving beyond rhetoric and investing in practical cooperation, the two states can not only repair their fractured relationship but also contribute to a more stable and prosperous region.
