Hafiz Mudassir Rizwan
Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s address at the Balochistan Workshop carried both sincerity and significance. His emphasis that Pakistan’s strength as a federation rests on unity among federating units resonated deeply. However, unity cannot be manufactured through rhetoric or ceremonial pledges alone. It must grow from the roots of legislative, fiscal, and administrative federalism, ensuring that every province feels genuinely empowered within the constitutional framework of the state.
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The truth is that Pakistan’s federal system has long suffered from structural imbalance. A history of mistrust, centralised authority, and uneven development has left smaller provinces wary of both the centre and one another. Without equitable representation and fair resource distribution, unity becomes a slogan rather than a lived reality. The problem is not merely political—it is constitutional and institutional, tied to how power and resources are shared within the federation.
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From the early years after independence, Pakistan’s federal trajectory was shaped by insecurity rather than inclusion. The decision to merge provinces into the infamous One Unit scheme in 1955 was a misguided attempt to balance East and West Pakistan. Instead of parity, it bred alienation, administrative inefficiency, and deep resentment. When One Unit was eventually abolished, the damage was irreversible—East Pakistan’s separation and the birth of Bangladesh in 1971 remain painful reminders of what happens when federations fail to respect provincial autonomy and cultural identity.
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Even after 1971, structural imbalances persisted. The merger of Bahawalpur into Punjab following the dismantling of One Unit, despite earlier commitments to restore its status, reinforced perceptions of inequity. Punjab’s demographic and political dominance has since shaped Pakistan’s national policies disproportionately, often unintentionally, but with lasting effects. This concentration of power has fuelled feelings of marginalisation in smaller provinces like Balochistan, Sindh, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The outcome has been a federation where the spirit of partnership has been overshadowed by the politics of power.
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To correct this imbalance, Pakistan must embrace a new phase of genuine federalism. Legislative federalism should guarantee that the provincial assemblies exercise meaningful authority within their constitutional domains. Provinces must have legislative space to govern in areas explicitly devolved under the 18th Amendment—without interference from the federal executive or bureaucracy. When provincial laws are overridden by federal dictates, the promise of federalism loses meaning.
Fiscal federalism is equally crucial. Pakistan’s National Finance Commission (NFC) awards, though significant, have often become political bargaining tools rather than equitable instruments of redistribution. Provinces must have predictable and autonomous control over their revenues and expenditures. The central government’s dominance in taxation and allocation has stifled regional innovation and discouraged fiscal responsibility. Strengthening fiscal devolution—through transparent revenue-sharing, provincial taxation rights, and joint management of natural resources—can rebuild trust among the federating units.
Administrative federalism, the third pillar, is perhaps the most neglected. Real power often lies not in laws or budgets but in the administrative apparatus that implements them. Pakistan’s bureaucracy remains overly centralised, with federal officers posted across provinces wielding authority without local accountability. Provinces must be allowed to develop their own professional civil services—rooted in local knowledge and responsive to local governments. Devolution of administrative control under Articles 240–242 of the Constitution must be fully implemented to reflect the true spirit of provincial autonomy.
Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s call for inclusive development is commendable, but inclusivity must begin with institutional equality. Balochistan’s vast natural wealth—its gas, minerals, and coastline—cannot translate into development if its people remain excluded from their own resources. Giving provincial governments greater control over resource management and local revenue generation would not only reduce economic disparities but also strengthen the emotional bond between citizens and the federation. A province that benefits from its resources becomes a stakeholder in the state, not an observer of its politics.
Moreover, Pakistan must revisit the debate on creating new provinces. While constitutionally challenging, such reform could break the cycle of imbalance by improving administrative efficiency and bringing governance closer to the people. The objective should not be to divide along ethnic lines, but to enhance service delivery and ensure fair representation. New provinces, if established through consensus, can help neutralise the perception of one province dominating the federation and allow the federation to function on more equal terms.
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Punjab, as the largest federating unit, carries both moral and political responsibility. Recognising that its disproportionate influence fuels mistrust, Punjab must lead reform by voluntarily devolving administrative powers and supporting a more balanced federation. True leadership lies not in dominance but in empathy—acknowledging the grievances of others and addressing them through structural reform rather than symbolic gestures.
Pakistan’s unity depends on constitutional balance and mutual respect, not forced conformity. Cultural identities—Sindhi, Baloch, Punjabi, Pashtun, and Saraiki—must be celebrated within the constitutional framework, not suppressed in the name of nationalism. Federalism does not weaken a state; it strengthens it by transforming diversity into a source of resilience. The failure to recognise this principle has been Pakistan’s historical weakness.
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Ultimately, the federation’s strength lies in cooperation, not control. Legislative, fiscal, and administrative federalism are not abstract ideals—they are the mechanisms through which unity, justice, and prosperity can be achieved. If Pakistan is to fulfil its constitutional promise, it must rebuild its federation from the ground up—anchored in equality, empowered by decentralisation, and guided by respect for every nation within its borders. The prime minister’s words in Balochistan will only bear fruit when transformed into structural reforms that make federalism the living spirit of Pakistan’s democracy.
