Arshad Mahmood Awan
The Afghan Taliban repeatedly signal a desire to break out of diplomatic isolation and gain international recognition, yet their actions often contradict this stated goal. Their decision to skip a recent multilateral meeting in Tehran, hosted by Iran and attended by all of Afghanistan’s neighbours along with Russia, illustrates a troubling paradox. If Kabul genuinely seeks legitimacy, economic revival, and regional integration, avoiding structured dialogue with neighbouring states is self-defeating. Forums like the Tehran meeting exist precisely to address shared concerns, and by absenting themselves, the Taliban reinforced perceptions that they are unwilling to confront difficult but unavoidable realities.
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The Tehran gathering sent a clear signal that Afghanistan’s neighbours remain willing to engage the Taliban regime pragmatically for the sake of regional stability and the Afghan people. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi emphasized that neighbouring states are the most “natural and reliable” partners for Afghanistan, implicitly arguing that regional solutions are more sustainable than externally imposed models. His reference to the failure of “imported prescriptions” was a pointed critique of Western nation-building efforts that collapsed in 2021. This framing offered the Taliban a respectful, regionally grounded platform for dialogue, making their absence all the more puzzling.
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One likely reason for the Taliban’s reluctance to attend was the inevitability of scrutiny over militancy emanating from Afghan soil. Pakistan’s Special Representative for Afghanistan, Mohammad Sadiq, clearly articulated the core issue by highlighting the persistent terrorist threat originating from Afghanistan. He stressed that if Kabul wishes to build trust with its neighbours, it must address militancy decisively. This is not a rhetorical demand but a practical prerequisite for regional cooperation. No neighbouring state can ignore cross-border violence without compromising its own security and domestic stability.
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The Taliban’s refusal to confront what many see as the “elephant in the room” has become the single biggest obstacle to improved relations. Afghanistan today hosts a range of militant groups with varying relationships to the Taliban. While the Islamic State group is openly hostile to the regime, other organizations, including Al Qaeda and the banned Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, reportedly maintain cordial ties with their Afghan hosts. This selective tolerance undermines the Taliban’s claims of seeking peaceful coexistence with neighbours. International legitimacy cannot coexist with the continued presence of globally sanctioned militant networks.
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Importantly, Pakistan is not the only country affected by Afghanistan-based militancy. Recent attacks targeting Chinese workers in Tajikistan, traced back to Afghan territory, demonstrate that the problem is regional in scope. Central Asian states, China, Iran, and Russia all share concerns about instability spilling over from Afghanistan. When such incidents occur, they reinforce the perception that Kabul is either unwilling or unable to control armed groups operating from its soil. This perception hardens borders, discourages investment, and strengthens arguments for continued diplomatic isolation.
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Ironically, meetings like the Tehran forum show that Afghanistan’s neighbours are not seeking confrontation. On the contrary, they appear prepared to work with the Taliban to stabilize the economy, facilitate trade, and provide humanitarian support. Regional states understand that a collapsing Afghan economy will export insecurity, refugees, and illicit economies. However, willingness to help does not equate to ignoring security threats. Engagement is conditional, and the condition is straightforward: Kabul must take credible steps to prevent its territory from being used against others.
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The Taliban often frame their resistance to external pressure as a defense of sovereignty. Yet sovereignty carries responsibilities, foremost among them the obligation to ensure that national territory is not used to harm other states. By refusing to discuss terrorism openly with neighbours, the Taliban appear to prioritize old alliances over new realities. This approach may offer short-term internal cohesion, but it exacts a heavy long-term cost by foreclosing pathways to recognition, investment, and regional integration. No amount of rhetorical emphasis on independence can substitute for responsible state behavior.
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There is also a missed opportunity embedded in the Taliban’s avoidance. Many regional states have extensive experience in counterterrorism and border management. Pakistan, Iran, China, and Russia have all confronted militant threats and developed institutional capacities to respond. If the Taliban were to acknowledge the problem and request assistance, there is little doubt that neighbours would be willing to cooperate through intelligence sharing, capacity building, and joint mechanisms. Such cooperation could enhance the Taliban’s own security while building confidence externally. Silence and denial, by contrast, only deepen suspicion.
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From an economic perspective, the costs of isolation are severe. Afghanistan’s economy remains fragile, heavily dependent on humanitarian aid, and constrained by sanctions and lack of investment. Regional connectivity projects, transit trade, and energy corridors could offer lifelines, but none can progress meaningfully without trust. Investors and governments alike require assurance that projects will not be threatened by militant violence. By avoiding engagement on terrorism, the Taliban effectively undermine their own economic agenda and prolong the suffering of ordinary Afghans.
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The Taliban thus face a stark strategic choice. They can continue to shield militant groups, avoid uncomfortable conversations, and remain trapped in diplomatic limbo. Or they can engage neighbours honestly, confront the terrorism issue head-on, and begin rebuilding trust incrementally. Recognition and legitimacy are not granted through demands but earned through conduct. Regional forums provide a controlled, culturally familiar environment to take these first steps without capitulating to Western pressure narratives.
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Ultimately, Afghanistan’s neighbours have shown that they are ready to engage pragmatically, without imposing ideological templates or regime-change agendas. The burden now lies with the Taliban to decide whether they wish to be a responsible regional actor or remain hostage to past alliances. The choice is not abstract. It is between neighbours who offer economic support and diplomatic pathways, and militant groups that guarantee continued isolation. For the sake of Afghanistan’s future, the Taliban must recognize that avoiding dialogue is no longer an option.
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