Tariq Mahmood Awan
Cultural, political and economic pre-dispositions institute a formative society till it grows to the canons of human rights and the rule of law. Inherently, a society retains an aristocracy, and nothing is immoral about it. As long as the aristocracy has succumbed to the rule of law, society has no unwarranted exploitation. Nevertheless, that is different from the ever-dominating Elite in Pakistan.
The Elite in Pakistan is above the law. That roots deep into the foundation of society’s embedded class system, colonial hangover and autocracy. Almost all social, religious, ethnic, economic and political assemblages are represented by their clan-elite in the collective life of the state and society. Consequently, all these diverging clan elites formulate a common invincible elite. Astonishingly, the religious Elite, inherently opposite in code, also has carved a charter of co-existence with other clan elites. History indicates that these divergent elites never resisted one another. Instead, they secured a common elite clique.
Elites in Pakistan monopolize the state and society. Their de facto resistor regulates social, cultural, economic and political orders at the expense of the public interest. That weaves religious, cultural and political narratives to control the logical wits of the ordinary people. It wheels the people politically so that no middle-class leadership or party may emerge from the ashes of middle-class despondency. It exploits the economy and develops cartels. It defeats the administrative and judicial checks and balances. Such expansive influence is only possible once all power clusters safeguard one another and sponsor the joint interests of a common clique. Public institutional bureaucracies also join the elite factions as the former has powers and the latter resources.
How divergent power clusters join hands to arrange a common elite in Pakistan is greatly interesting. Marriage is a binding force among different elite factions. Marriage is a social contract and that can effortlessly be absorbed into business and political contracts. Preferably, all clan elites, including public institutional bureaucracies, marry one another, and that makes an invincible elite. Although the clergy elite is part and parcel of the elite clique, often they remain aloof in intermarriages of elite clans. Hence, the elite clique becomes a powerful cartel. They develop a way of life and are socially and culturally integrated. More than not, they leisurely decide the fate of the people at personal parties, get-togethers, and recreational elite clubs over a cup of tea. One can quickly grasp the orientation of the Elite if one has ever feasted at Gymkhana Club, Lahore.
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This is the middle class that resists the Elite all over the world. Conversely, this has yet to be the case in Pakistan. The village middle class is more prone to class structures, colonial hangovers and power corridors. The obsession with conquering “title” among village folk is voracious, and that halts them from resisting the status quo. But, then, that is all changing now. There is a vociferous hue and cry against the possessions of the Elite in Pakistan among the middle and lower middle classes. Conventionally, the urban Elite is always more resistant. However, it may again not be the case in Pakistan. The middle-class dilemma pushes the middle class to join the Elite rather than challenge it.
In our society, a culture has been weaved on human sensitivities for a long time, forcing that becoming a part of the Elite is the panacea of all their ills. Therefore, all are interested in joining them rather than battling them out. One can imagine the obsession of middle-class youth to join the civil services, judiciary and military because this opens a window for them to join the coveted elite club. The middle class and intelligentsia are not supposed to join them but to resist them for the rule of law, democracy and the rights of common citizens.
Can the fetters of the Elite be shattered? Apparently, this is a misleading idea. But there is always a glimmer at the end of the tunnel. Presumably, to hope that a faction of the Elite might wage a war against others for the emancipation of people is stupidity. Hence, these are only the people who could exercise their democratic and social potential to hold the Elite accountable. Democracy is the best mode that empowers people against totalitarianism, and they should not compromise on the ideals of democracy, representation and participation. Otherwise, the Elite shall continue to exploit the people. Beware, there is no Godot coming.
Pakistan needs national political parties representing the middle class in content and candidature. Almost all contemporary political parties represent the Elite at variance, and that is displayed in their party candidature. This is the tipping point where the Elite is always reassured in power. How can political parties be people’s representatives when they represent factions of the Elite? It is an exuberant conflict of interests. How can a landlord represent peasants? How can an industrialist represent labourers? How can land developers or business tycoons represent workers or smaller entrepreneurs without a conflict of interest? Hence, people must take their social, political and economic representation back to their fold and elect their peer representatives. Ultimately, power belongs to the people of Pakistan. Hence, they should now be ready to guard against all odds. Their peers rather than elite factions must represent them.
Decentralization is a code to liberate the people, which is guaranteed in Pakistan’s constitution. Elites in Pakistan depend upon a central mode of domination. Decentralization can be the administrative knockout to the Elite. The Elite does not allow devolution of power because that will empower people at the grassroots.
Accordingly, a devolved local government system is elemental to create middle-class leadership. Concentration of power is the goal of the Elite, unlike devolution, which should remain the people’s motivation. If people take over the political power at the elementary level of devolution, that will pave the way for them to take over the power at provincial and federal levels periodically. Devolution, political representation and the rule of law are essential to break apart the nexus of the Elite. The more the people are politically represented, the less the dominance of the Elite.
Eventually, people should resist the monopoly of elite oscillating cultural assimilation, narrative formation and political construction. The middle class needs to raise the bar and politically unite the factions of downtrodden people to form the governments of choice. Political power is the absolute power. Unless the middle class takes it, there will be no end to the dominance of the elite in Pakistan. Political power will bring the government of the choice, which will legislature and implement the law and policies representing the interest of the commoner. Therefore, the middle classes in Pakistan need to take part in politics and work to elect the middle classes in the legislature. Governments of the middle classes will only be able to bring the elites of Pakistan under the rule of law.
Although this seems improbable, this is the only way to make the invincible Elite wane. Pakistan shall never prosper with this unruly and ravenous Elite. Let the ordinary people empower themselves!
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In detail, elite capture is a situation where powerful elites shape development processes according to their priorities and appropriate development resources for private gain. Elite capture has been identified as a significant problem in Pakistan, where the so-called Pakistani elites have strong representation in parliament and have hence been dubbed as “electables” who align with different ruling parties to continue protecting and perpetuating their vested interests. Elite capture has contributed to Pakistan’s inequality, corruption, poor governance, and low human development. Therefore, legislative, administrative, social, cultural, political and economic reforms are essential for controlling the unlawful influence of elites and bringing them under the cover of the rule of law.
There should be a constitutional amendment to limit the number of terms that a parliamentarian can serve to prevent the entrenchment of dynastic politics and elite interests. There should also be a law to ensure transparency and accountability of political funding to prevent the influence of moneyed elites on policy-making. Additionally, a law should establish an independent anti-corruption commission with the power to investigate and prosecute cases of elite corruption and misuse of public resources.
There should be a merit-based and competitive recruitment and promotion system for civil servants to reduce the patronage and nepotism that elites use to control the bureaucracy. There should also be a performance-based evaluation system and incentives for civil servants to encourage efficiency and effectiveness in service delivery. Moreover, administrative authority and resources should be decentralised to the provincial and local levels to enhance the participation and empowerment of marginalized groups and communities.
There should be judicial reforms to ensure the independence and impartiality of the judiciary to prevent the interference and manipulation of elites in judicial decisions. There should also be judicial reforms to improve the accessibility and affordability of justice to enable the poor and vulnerable groups to seek redress for their grievances. Furthermore, there should be a judicial reform to expedite the disposal of cases to reduce the backlog and delay that elites use to evade accountability. Judicial reforms and performance are vital for the rule of law and bringing the elites under the country’s justice system.
There should be political reforms to introduce proportional representation in the electoral system to ensure fair representation of diverse groups and interests in parliament. There should also be a political reform to strengthen the role and capacity of opposition parties, civil society organizations, media, and watchdog groups to provide effective oversight and checks and balances on the government. Additionally, there should be a political reform to promote intra-party democracy and accountability to reduce the dominance and influence of elite factions within political parties.
Furthermore, there should be a cultural change to challenge the norms and values that justify and legitimize elite captures, such as feudalism, patriarchy, clientelism, and sycophancy. There should also be a cultural change to foster the norms and values that resist and oppose elite capture, such as democracy, equality, citizenship, and social justice. Moreover, there should be a cultural change to raise the awareness and consciousness of the masses about their rights and responsibilities, as well as the costs and consequences of elite capture.
Notably, there should also be an economic reform agenda to broaden the tax base and increase the tax revenue to reduce the reliance on external debt and aid that elites use to finance their rent-seeking activities. There should also be an economic reform to redistribute wealth and income more equitably to reduce the gap between the rich and poor that elites exploit for their benefit. Furthermore, economic reform should diversify the economy and promote inclusive growth to create more opportunities and choices for the people beyond the elite-controlled sectors.
Therefore, public evolutionary movements are critical for creating awareness about elite capture. It is the people who could only break the power nexus of the elites in Pakistan.
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