The Heavy Price of Pakistan’s Toxic Education and State Institutions

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In a country where even the Chinese are not safe, who is? Despite being the most privileged and protected foreigners due to their involvement in CPEC and Pakistan’s national interest, the recent events have shown that even the Chinese are not immune to the religiously charged mobs. Multiple layers of police and specially created army units are in place to keep them from harm’s way, and they are advised to keep a low profile and minimise their contact with locals. However, as the case with the Dasu hydropower project shows, these precautions were not enough to protect them.

Work at the Dasu hydropower project came to a halt after a supervisor raised concerns about the long prayer breaks taken by workers. For the locals, this was deemed as blasphemy. Although the supervisor was later whisked away by helicopter to a lockup in Abbottabad, he was lucky compared to Priyantha Kumara, the Sri Lankan manager of a Sialkot factory. He was accused of blasphemy, tortured to death, and his corpse was burnt by his workers.

It is worth noting that such medieval horrors are unknown in other Muslim-majority countries. Blasphemy busting is not a national preoccupation elsewhere. In fact, apart from dedicated mountaineers, who would want to vacation in a country where the population is ready to burst into flames at the slightest provocation? Tourists of all nationalities and religions are eagerly welcomed in other countries. The souks of Morocco and Egypt bustle with Americans, Europeans, Russians, and Israelis, while Indonesia and Malaysia are popular destinations for Australians. Although UAE is formally under Sharia law, its relaxed social mores encourage people from everywhere to enjoy Dubai’s wonders.

The fact that foreigner enrollment in Pakistan’s universities is near zero and that scarcely any foreigner, white, Chinese, or African, is visible on the streets or in the bazaars is indicative of the problem. Major airports in Pakistan, which were constructed at enormous cost, are economically unsustainable for want of traffic. They have barely a handful of international flights daily with most passengers being Pakistani workers or expats.

Pakistan’s unique situation is exemplified by the prevalence of raging lynch mobs, which are common in the country but unusual in other Muslim countries. It begs the question: if even the Chinese are not safe here, who is?

In a country where mob justice prevails, foreigners and locals alike are at risk. The Pakistani government must address this issue and take steps to provide a safe and welcoming environment for foreigners. The lack of foreign investment, tourism, and enrollment of foreign students is a hindrance to Pakistan’s progress and development. It is time for Pakistan to abandon its preoccupation with blasphemy and focus on building a more inclusive and tolerant society.

Pakistan’s love affair with religion has proven to be a double-edged sword. On one hand, it has served as a tool for the powerful to consolidate their grip on the country, while on the other hand, it has led to the creation of an extremist and intolerant society. The tragic events at the Dasu hydropower project, where Chinese workers were attacked by a mob incited by allegations of blasphemy, are just the latest example of this toxic mix.

Even the Chinese, who are given VIP treatment and multiple layers of security, are not safe from the wrath of religious zealots in Pakistan. With the indefinite closure of the Swedish embassy, it seems that other foreign countries are also beginning to see the writing on the wall.

Pakistan’s uniqueness is not limited to its religious fervor. The country has a knack for being a safe haven for terrorists and extremists. Osama bin Laden’s presence in Abbottabad for years is well known, but what is less discussed is the fact that he was hugely popular among the Pakistani public. In fact, the percentage of Pakistanis who saw him as a world leader actually increased over time, according to a 2006 Pew Global Survey.

One reason for Pakistan’s embrace of extremism is its belief that religion is the glue that holds the country together. This has resulted in a heavy injection of religion in education, media, and even politics. However, as the breakup of East Pakistan in 1971 showed, religion alone is not enough to keep the country united.

Another factor contributing to Pakistan’s uniqueness is its obsession with blasphemy. While the concept of blasphemy exists in other Muslim-majority countries, it is not as prevalent or as dangerous as it is in Pakistan. Accusations of blasphemy can lead to vigilante justice, torture, and even death. The case of Priyantha Kumara, a Sri Lankan manager who was tortured to death by his workers after being accused of blasphemy, is a chilling reminder of this.

Pakistan’s obsession with blasphemy has also led to a culture of intolerance and violence. Raging lynch mobs are a common sight in the country, while attacks on religious minorities are frequent. This has created a climate of fear and insecurity, not just for foreigners, but also for Pakistanis who do not subscribe to the extremist ideology.

Despite all these challenges, Pakistan has the potential to be a great country. Its rich history, diverse culture, and hardworking people are its greatest assets. However, to realize this potential, Pakistan needs to break free from the shackles of extremism and embrace a more tolerant and inclusive future.

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The first step towards this future is to acknowledge the problem. Pakistan cannot continue to bury its head in the sand and pretend that everything is fine. The country needs to confront the reality of its extremism problem and take concrete steps to address it.

This means cracking down on extremist groups, reforming education to promote tolerance and critical thinking, and protecting the rights of religious minorities. It also means creating an environment that is conducive to foreign investment and tourism. After all, who in their right mind would want to visit a country where the population is ready to burst into flames at the slightest provocation?

Pakistan needs to realize that it cannot have it both ways. It cannot continue to support extremism while also expecting to be a respected member of the international community. It cannot continue to ignore the plight of its minorities while also expecting to be seen as a progressive and modern country.

Pakistan’s international reputation as a dangerous country took yet another hit this week when Sweden announced an indefinite closure of its embassy in Islamabad. Denmark’s embassy was car-bombed in 2008, and two other European embassies have also either closed or restricted their operations. Diplomats in Islamabad rarely leave the Red Zone and venture up north.

What makes Pakistan so unique from other Muslim countries, you ask? Well, for starters, let’s not forget that Osama bin Laden found sanctuary in Pakistan, and he was actually quite popular among the people. According to the 2006 Pew Global Survey, 51% of Pakistanis viewed bin Laden as a world leader. In contrast, Morocco, Turkey, and Lebanon all saw his popularity drop by 20 points.

So, what sets Pakistan apart? There are three observations.

First, Pakistan’s leaders have long believed that religion alone can keep the country’s various regions united. As a result, they have injected maximum amounts of religious epoxy into every aspect of society, particularly in education. Despite the 1971 breakup proving that the glue wasn’t strong enough, leaders have drawn the opposite conclusion. As Gen Ziaul Haq said in 1981, “Take the Judaism out of Israel and it will fall like a house of cards. Take religion out of Pakistan and make it a secular state, it would collapse.”

Other Muslim countries like Turkey, Egypt, Iran, Indonesia, and Morocco don’t share this existential worry about religion and disintegration. They are comfortable with Islam, and their national narratives are free from apocalyptic scenarios.

Second, starting in the 1980s, Pakistan’s generals and clerics created madrassas that became jihad factories. The so-called military-mullah alliance (MMA) eventually spiraled out of control. The 2007 Lal Masjid insurrection turned Islamabad into a war zone, leaving hundreds dead. It showed how powerless the state had become when confronted by the forces it had nurtured.

Today, the state’s impotence is even more evident. Even in heavily policed Islamabad, two out of three mosques and madrassas are built on encroached land. Civic authorities are helpless before this anarchy and cannot demolish hastily constructed structures. The government’s attempts to have the same prayer time for all mosques in Islamabad also foundered, and madrassah reform is dead in the water. Now that the Single National Curriculum is being implemented, regular schools have been turned into madrassas.

Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Iran tightly regulate where mosques can be built, even specifying their design and architecture, and limiting hate speech in Friday sermons. This approach prevents lynch mobs and tragedies like Mashal Khan or Priyantha Kumaras.

Third, the purist fantasy of a theological state, like Ziaul Haq’s Nizam-i-Mustafa or Imran Khan’s Riyasat-i-Madina, is still alive in Pakistan. Demagogues can use such slogans because people yearn for an unblemished past when everything was perfect. However, the leaders of authoritarian countries like Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Morocco, or Turkey are not promoting imagined pasts. Instead, Prince Mohammed bin Salman has vowed to transform Saudi Arabia into an open society that empowers citizens and lures investors. Recep Erdogan may privately desire the restoration of the caliphate abolished by Ataturk in 1924, but only 8% of his supporters share this sentiment.

In conclusion, Pakistan’s unique circumstances have led to a situation where it is viewed as a dangerous and unstable country. The country’s leadership has long assumed that religion alone can hold together the various regions of Pakistan, and this hyper-religiosity has led to a toxic education system and a population that is difficult to control. The military-mullah alliance created madressahs that became jihad factories, leading to a situation where the state is impotent when confronted by the forces it had nurtured. In contrast, other Muslim countries such as Turkey, Egypt, Iran, and Indonesia have national narratives that are free from apocalyptic scenarios of disintegration and destruction, and they do not have existential worries.

For Pakistan to shed its illusions and become a normal country, it must hold together its diverse peoples con-sensually through shared needs and interdependence, not through some ideological diktat. The leaders of autocratic and authoritarian countries like Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Morocco, or Turkey are not peddling the hype of some imagined past, but instead, they are working towards stability and prosperity for their countries by transforming their societies into open ones that empower citizens and attract investors. Pakistan should follow their example and focus on stability and prosperity rather than religious ideology.

In short, Pakistan needs to reform its education system, curb the influence of the military-mullah alliance, and embrace a more open and inclusive approach to governance if it is to shed its reputation as a dangerous and unstable country and move towards stability and prosperity.

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