Arshad Mahmood Awan
Balochistan, a province in Pakistan, is currently grappling with pressing challenges. Peaceful protests for change and a violent insurgency that spills beyond the province’s borders are two sides of the same coin. Both are fueled by a pervasive sense of powerlessness, irrelevance, and exclusion from political and economic processes. This discontent is not justifiable, it’s urgent.
In terms of political representation, Balochistan’s influence in the national government is minimal. The province holds 17 seats in the 342-member National Assembly and 23 seats in the 100-member Senate, which accounts for just 5% and 23% of the respective bodies. This meager representation means that even if all representatives from Balochistan were absent, the Assembly could still function without any disruption. This reflects how disconnected Balochistan is from crucial national decision-making.
Although having nearly a quarter of the Senate seats seems more considerable, the Senate lacks control over budgetary matters, which are vital for influencing government actions. Without budget power, Balochistan cannot effectively advocate for its interests in national policies.
Occasionally, there are joint sessions of the National Assembly and the Senate where Balochistan has 40 seats out of 442—again, less than 10%. Here, too, an absence of Balochistan’s members wouldn’t influence the quorum, indicating the province’s lack of weight in legislative discussions. This political impotence contributes to feelings of disengagement among the people of Balochistan.
The sense of powerlessness extends to provincial civil services. The Pakistani constitution, along with the 18th Amendment, promises a fair and just society with proper representation for all areas. However, Balochistan suffers from a recruitment and promotion system that favors other provinces while leaving it underrepresented.
For years, discussions about inadequate Balochistan representation in federal services have taken place. Notably, a Cabinet Committee formed to address this issue in 2006 identified a 15% shortfall in Balochistan’s federal representation between 1993 and 2002, which was primarily filled by officers from Punjab and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa. Sadly, none of the committee’s suggestions to improve the situation were acted upon.
In 2013, a review of employment levels in 53 federal administrative divisions revealed that only 18,395 individuals, or about 4.1%, were from Balochistan. Particularly concerning was the representation in higher pay scales (BPS 20-22), where only 32 officers hailed from Balochistan out of 1,525 overall. Out of 53 divisions, there were no Balochistan officers in 31 divisions for higher grades, indicating a significant underrepresentation.
This disparity is partly due to how federal recruitment is structured. Positions are advertised with provincial quotas. For instance, if fewer than 17 vacancies are available, Balochistan, having a quota of 6%, would not be eligible for those positions, making it nearly impossible for candidates from the province to gain employment.
As a result, appointments are typically filled by officers from other provinces, further excluding Balochistan’s voice in national policymaking. This lack of representation not only weakens political influence but also diminishes the province’s presence in administrative decisions that profoundly affect its future. The impact of this underrepresentation on the people of Balochistan cannot be overstated.
Yet, the issue of underrepresentation is not limited to federal services—it exists within the provincial structure as well. Though the constitution emphasizes provincial autonomy, the current civil service setup undermines this autonomy. The sharing mechanism between federal and provincial officers often leads to over-representation of federal officers and undermines local governance.
A historical decision made in 1993 established how posts are filled in Balochistan, typically favoring federal over provincial officers. This additional layer complicates the representation issue further and diminishes local input.
For example, at various pay scale levels, the federal presence swells while the provincial share declines. At BPS-17, federal officers account for 20 positions, while only 60 belong to provincial officers. The trend continues through higher ranks, with federal officers dominating the top levels, ultimately leaving Balochistan in a position of administrative weakness.
This imbalance carries over into the police services as well. The recruitment process for police officers repeats the same patterns, where federal officers occupy numerous positions, leaving lesser opportunities for provincial officers. Many provincial recruits can find themselves close to retirement before securing promotion to higher ranks, leading to potential vacancies filled by federal officer promotions.
The current state of Balochistan’s civil service, including law enforcement, paints a sobering picture of the struggle for fair representation and equitable treatment. The overwhelming presence of federal officers at all levels creates an environment where provincial officers are marginalized, reducing their influence over policy-making and governance.
In conclusion, Balochistan is at a critical juncture. The ongoing unrest and dissatisfaction are rooted in feelings of powerlessness and exclusion from crucial political and civil service structures. The lack of representation, coupled with ineffective administrative systems, presents significant obstacles for the people of Balochistan to play a meaningful role in their own governance. It is imperative for national leaders to acknowledge and address these disparities, implementing urgent reforms to bridge the growing divide and foster a sense of unity and inclusion within Pakistan.
