Tariq Mahmood Awan
The recent armed attack in Surab has exposed a grim reality: governance in Balochistan is dangerously vulnerable. The cold-blooded murder of Additional Deputy Commissioner (Revenue), Hidayat Buledi, and the violent takeover of a police station by militants is not just a tragic incident—it is a stark indicator of systemic breakdown. In a province where administrative officers and police officials are hunted down in broad daylight, the very foundation of governance is under existential threat. Civil service, administration, and law enforcement simply cannot function in an environment where state officials are treated as enemy targets. For Balochistan, this is more than a crisis—it is an institutional emergency.
The Surab attack by the banned Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) was not an isolated act of terror; it was a strategic and well-planned assault on the state’s administrative authority. Armed with heavy weapons, scores of militants descended on the town, forced business centers to shut down, and launched direct attacks on government facilities. The police station was seized, its weapons looted, official records destroyed, and the entire structure set ablaze. Even more chilling was the targeted killing of ADC Revenue Hidayat Baledi in front of his children, inside his government-allotted residence. These events demonstrate that no location—neither a police station nor an official’s home—is safe in today’s Balochistan.
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In such an insecure atmosphere, how can any officer perform their duties? Civil servants in Balochistan are already operating under immense pressure, often without basic resources, reliable communication, or proper housing. The fear of being targeted is not theoretical—it is now a lived experience. When high-ranking officers can be killed inside official residences, what confidence remains for those working at the tehsil or union council levels? Morale among civil servants has dropped to an all-time low. The psychological impact of such incidents is profound. Officers are increasingly reluctant to accept postings in interior districts, fearing not just for their own lives, but for the safety of their families.
Policing in Balochistan has also reached a point of severe crisis. The attack on the Surab police station illustrates the fragility of law enforcement infrastructure in the province. The police were unable to defend their own facility, let alone protect the public. They lack the weapons, training, and backup needed to withstand such insurgent-style attacks. In many areas, police stations are isolated and understaffed, making them easy targets for militants. Without adequate protection and support, police forces are increasingly symbolic—visible, but ineffective.
This breakdown in security has far-reaching consequences for governance. If administrative officers and law enforcement personnel cannot operate safely, public services grind to a halt. Land disputes cannot be resolved, local development schemes stall, and emergency responses become impossible. The fear of militant retaliation silences civic participation and discourages local cooperation. In essence, the state begins to vanish from the public’s daily life, leaving a vacuum that extremist groups can exploit to gain control, influence, and even legitimacy.
The problem is compounded by the lack of a coordinated state response. In many cases, civil administration and security forces operate independently, without a unified crisis management strategy. This disconnect has left both wings of governance vulnerable. The only way forward is through an integrated approach where civil and military institutions work together to secure administrative infrastructure and personnel. Officers must be provided with trained security escorts, armored transport, and fortified residences. Police forces must be equipped with modern weapons, surveillance tools, and quick-reaction units capable of immediate response.
Beyond security, the government must offer strong incentives for public servants who choose to serve in high-risk areas. This includes hardship allowances, psychological counseling, and career advancement opportunities. But perhaps more importantly, the state must work to rebuild trust among the people of Balochistan. Without public cooperation and local legitimacy, no amount of force can ensure lasting peace or administrative stability.
The situation in Balochistan demands urgent attention—not just from Islamabad, but from the entire federation. Governance cannot survive in a vacuum of safety. If the civil administration continues to collapse, the province risks falling into lawless fragmentation. Surab is a warning, not just a tragedy. If action is not taken immediately, we may see more districts fall beyond the reach of the state—not just symbolically, but practically and permanently.
Lastly, the civil services and administrations pay homage to the valiant services of Hidayat Buledi and demand fool proof security for administration in the province of Balochistan.
