Hafiz Mudassir RIzwan
More than two years after local government elections were held in Balochistan, over a quarter of the province still lacks functioning union councils. This isn’t just a bureaucratic oversight—it’s a loud, clear signal that local governance in Balochistan is simply not a priority for those in power. And while the situation in Balochistan is especially dire, the problem runs much deeper—it reflects a systemic failure across Pakistan to respect and implement local democracy.
Despite Article 140-A of Pakistan’s Constitution—which explicitly mandates the establishment of local governments with political, administrative, and financial responsibility—the reality is that no province truly honors this requirement. Even repeated Supreme Court rulings demanding the revival of local governments have failed to shake the inertia. The reason is obvious: politicians at the federal and provincial levels are unwilling to give up control.
Local governments were designed to bring power closer to the people—to let citizens have a say in how their communities are run, how their taxes are spent, and how their basic needs are met. But in Pakistan, empowering local government is often viewed by national and provincial lawmakers as a direct threat to their influence, especially over development funds and patronage networks. In this zero-sum game of political power, LGs are seen as competition—so they are ignored, underfunded, or completely dismantled.
What’s worse is that this deliberate neglect has devastating real-world consequences. When local governments are dysfunctional or absent, the quality of life for ordinary citizens deteriorates. Garbage piles up, schools remain broken, clean drinking water becomes a luxury, and local health systems falter. These issues aren’t just the result of poor planning—they’re symptoms of a system where decisions are made too far from the people they’re supposed to serve.
Pakistan’s major cities are grappling with urban chaos—overcrowded streets, overwhelmed sanitation systems, and inadequate infrastructure. Meanwhile, rural areas suffer from chronic underdevelopment, lack of access to education, healthcare, and clean water. Both these crises are rooted in the same problem: the complete absence of effective, empowered local governments.
The 18th Amendment, passed in 2010, was supposed to be a game-changer, shifting power from the centre to the provinces. And to some extent, it was. But the provinces, instead of continuing that devolution down to the district and union council level, stopped halfway. In effect, the provinces became mini-centres themselves, hoarding the power that was meant to go to the people.
Balochistan is a glaring example. For a region already historically marginalised in national politics, this neglect deepens the trust deficit. How can people feel like they are part of the national framework when even basic governance structures are missing? But again, this isn’t just about Balochistan. The entire country is stuck in a model of governance that refuses to decentralise meaningfully.
Compare this with countries that have made significant progress through local empowerment. China, despite being an authoritarian state, has shown that when local administrations are given authority and held accountable, service delivery improves dramatically. South Korea, on the other hand, has achieved high levels of development and citizen satisfaction by investing heavily in local governance, allowing communities to shape their own futures.
Pakistan, by contrast, clings to an outdated, top-down approach that simply doesn’t work anymore. The assumption that centralised power leads to efficient governance has been proven wrong, again and again. What we need is not more ministries and bureaucrats, but functional, well-resourced local bodies that can make decisions based on the realities on the ground.
Fixing this isn’t just about holding more local elections. It requires serious political will and structural reforms. First, the Constitution must be amended to clearly outline the responsibilities, powers, and financial autonomy of local governments. Right now, LGs exist in a legal grey area—created or dismantled at the whim of provincial governments. That needs to change.
Second, there must be a legal obligation to hold local government elections on time, just like general elections. Delaying them for years at a time, as is currently the case in many provinces, cannot be allowed to continue. Local elections should be directly tied to constitutional timelines and judicial oversight.
Third, we must move toward direct elections for mayors and union council chairpersons. This would ensure accountability, visibility, and local legitimacy—something that party-nominated candidates often lack.
Fourth, the financial mechanisms supporting LGs must be strengthened. Provinces should be held accountable through a provincial finance commission that transparently allocates funds to local governments. Grants should be tied to performance, encouraging innovation and punishing inefficiency.
Fifth, and perhaps most importantly, the mindset must shift—from viewing LGs as a threat, to seeing them as partners in development. This requires serious investment in capacity building, digitisation, and training so that local bodies can handle the challenges of the 21st century, from climate resilience to urban planning.
In the end, it’s not about political turf wars—it’s about improving the lives of ordinary Pakistanis. And until we empower local governments, that won’t happen. A child in Balochistan shouldn’t have to wait for the next provincial budget to get a school fixed. A resident of Karachi or Lahore shouldn’t rely on a federal directive to get their garbage collected. These are local problems, and they need local solutions.
The dysfunction in Balochistan is just one example of a deeper rot in our system. If democracy is meant to be “for the people,” then why are we so afraid of letting people govern themselves? Until we answer that question honestly, we will continue to fail in delivering even the most basic services to our citizens.
The time for centralised control is long over. Pakistan needs to stop paying lip service to devolution and start taking local governance seriously. Real development, real democracy, and real accountability can only begin when we shift power from the top to the bottom—when we govern from the grassroots.
